Biography of Justin Martyr
This biographical profile of Justin Martyr is taken from Great Men of the Christian Church by Williston
Walker, which was originally published in 1908 by the University of Chicago Press
.

JUSTIN MARTYR(100–165)
To
pass from the time of the Pauline epistles to the middle of the second century is to come into a very different
world of thought. The old battle which the Apostle to the Gentiles
had bravely fought against the imposition of a legalistic Jewish yoke upon heathen converts had become well-nigh
forgotten ancient history. The destruction of Jerusalem
(A.D. 70) and the rapid growth of churches on Gentile soil had
shifted the center of gravity of the Christian population, so that the vast majority of disciples were now of
heathen antecedents. Of all parts of the Roman Empire, Asia Minor
was that in which the church was now most strongly represented.
Syria, northward of Palestine, Macedonia, and Greece were only in less degree its home. Probably it was already growing strong in Egypt. A closeknit, extensive, influential, Greek-speaking congregation was to be
found in Rome, and a group of small assemblies existed in the Rhone Valley of what is now France. Probably, but less certainly, the church was already well represented in the
old Carthaginian region of Africa; but, in general, the Latin portion of the Empire was as yet little reached by
the gospel.
Christians, though rapidly growing in
numbers, were still chiefly from the lower classes of the population and of slight social
influence. They were knit to one another by a common belief in
God and Christ; a confidence in a divine revelation contained in the Old Testament and continued through men
of the gospel age and subsequent times by the everworking Spirit of God; a morality relatively high as
compared with that of surrounding heathenism; and a confident hope that the present evil world was speedily
to pass away, and the Kingdom of God to be established in its stead. As sojourners separated from the world they owed each other aid, and
developed a noble Christian benevolence.
Yet, though the Christianity of the middle
of the second century had possessed itself fully of Paul's freedom from Jewish ceremonialism, it was far from
being Pauline. It did not consciously reject him; but it was unable
to grasp his more spiritual conceptions of sin and grace and the significance of Christ's death. Paul had been only one, if the greatest, of the missionaries by whom
Christianity had been preached. To ordinary disciples of heathen
antecedents Christ seemed primarily the revealer of the one true God whom heathenism had but dimly known, and
the proclaimer of a new and purer law of right living. God, through
Christ, had revealed his nature and purposes, and had given new commandments which were to be fulfilled by
chaste living and upright conduct. "Keep the commandments of the
Lord, and thou shalt be well-pleasing to God, and shalt be enrolled among the number of them that keep his
commandments,"[i]said Hermas,
writing at Rome between 130 and 140; but he added with an utterly un-Pauline feeling of the possibility of works
of supererogation: "but if thou do any good thing outside the commandment of God, thou shalt win for thyself
more exceeding glory.” "Fasting is better than prayer, but
almsgiving than both," said a preacher to his hearers a few years later, probably in Corinth or
Rome.[ii]
These changing conceptions of the
Christian life were not the chief perils, however, which Christianity was encountering. It had come into no world empty of thought. As we do now, that age attempted to interpret the gospel message in the light
of its own science and its own conceptions. It had its own
philosophies and its own religions with their secrets for those initiated into their mysteries. The result was a number of interpretations of Christianity, called in general
"Knowledge" (gnosis), the thought being that those who possessed this
inner and deeper understanding knew the real essence of the gospel much better than the ordinary
believer. Gnosticism had its beginnings before the later books of
the New Testament were written. The Pastoral Epistles and the
Johannine literature, whenever composed, contain clear references to it.[iii]I Its full
systems did not, however, develop their power till the second quarter of the second century. Gnosticism had many forms, but its essential feature was that it made the God
of the Old Testament a relatively weak and imperfect being. It
taught that the perfect and hitherto unknown God, far abler and better than the God of the Old Testament, sent
Christ to reveal himself and to give men the knowledge by which they can be brought from the kingdom of evil to
that of light. Since most Gnostics regarded this physical world as
evil, any real incarnation was unthinkable, and Christ's death can have been in appearance only. If his body was more than a ghostly deception, then Jesus was a man indwelt by
the divine Christ only from his baptism to shortly before his expiring agony on the
cross.
This thinking, though urged by men of
great ability, denied the historic continuity of Christianity with the Old Testament revelation, it rejected a
real incarnation, and it changed Christianity from a historic faith to a higher form of knowledge for the
initiated, explanatory of the origin and nature of the universe.
This Gnostic crisis was the most severe through which the church had yet passed; and its dangers were doubly
increased when essentially Gnostic views of the Old Testament and of the inferior character of the God therein
revealed, though by no means all the Gnostic positions, were advocated by a man of deep religious spirit, in
some respects the first church reformer of history, Marcion.
Having come from Asia Minor to Rome about 140, he broke with the Roman church in 144, charging it, not wholly
groundlessly, with having perverted Paul's Gospel to a new Jewish legalism. To him Paul was the only genuine apostle; and he gathered a little collection
of sacred writings, including ten of Paul's epistles and the Gospel of Luke, but shorn of all passages
intimating that the God of the Old Testament was identical with Him whom Christ revealed. All the rest of the apostles and of our New Testament writings he
rejected. It was indeed true that the church of his day was
un-Pauline; but his Paulinism was of a type which Paul himself would have been the first to
discredit.
To the Gnostics the party in the church
representing historic Christianity replied by gathering a collection of authoritative writings, the major part
of our New Testament; by the preparation of creeds, of which that at the basis of what we wrongly call the
"Apostles" is the earliest; and, especially, by appealing to the teaching handed down in the churches founded
by the apostles, and guaranteed by the continuity of their officers. Out of this struggle the rigid, doctrinally conservative, legalistic church of
the third century—the "Old Catholic" church—came.
To these perils from within were added the
dangers which sprang from popular hatred, due to heathen misunderstanding and jealousy, and to the occasional
active hostility of the Roman government, which viewed the new religion as unpatriotic and stubborn because of
the unwillingness of its adherents to conform to the worship prescribed by the state. Its feeling was much that which would animate many among us should any
considerable party now refuse to honor the flag. To the
unthinking, because they refused to join in the worship which the state required, the Christians seemed at once
atheistic and unpatriotic. Popular superstition, because of their
refusal to share in heathen festivals and their worship by themselves, charged them with practices of revolting
immorality. The Jews, also, though politically insignificant, were
critical of Christianity; and, existing as they did in every large Roman community, their objections had to be
met. These conditions determined Justin's work. He would defend Christianity against its heathen opponents, its Jewish
critics, and its enemies within its own household. Hence the
threefold battle which he fought.
Justin, in whom is to be seen one of the
most characteristic Christian figures, as well as one of the most useful Christian writers, of the second
century, was a native of Flavia Neapolis, near the older Shechem, in ancient Samaria. Though thus born within the bounds of Palestine, and speaking of himself as a
Samaritan, he was uncircumcised and doubtless of heathen origin and training. It was not till after his conversion that he became familiar with the Old
Testament. Of the date of his birth nothing certain is known; but
it must have been not far from the year 100. From early youth he
was evidently studious, and he gives, in his Dialogue with
Trypho,[iv]a picturesque
account of his search for a satisfactory philosophy. His first
initiation was through a Stoic, but when he sought knowledge of God this instructor told him it was
needless. He then turned to the Aristotelians, but the promptness
with which the teacher sought his fee made him doubt the genuineness of such interested claims. A Pythagorean next was sought, but this philosopher insisted on extensive
preliminary acquaintance with music, astronomy, and geometry.
Discouraged thus, Justin now turned with hope to a Platonist, and found real satisfaction in this most spiritual
of ancient philosophies. He must have made no little progress in
his new studies, for he now adopted the philosopher's cloak as his distinctive garb—a dress which he
thenceforth always wore. Yet, even while a Platonist, the constancy
with which Christians met death impressed him, and led him to doubt the crimes with which they were popularly
charged. It was through the gateway of his beloved philosophy that
Justin was to be brought, however, into the Christian fold. As he
tells the story, a chance meeting with an old man, as he walked by the sea, probably near Ephesus, resulted in
a discussion in which his adviser turned his attention to the prophets as "men more ancient than all those who
are esteemed philosophers, both righteous and beloved of God, who spoke by the Divine Spirit, and foretold
events which would take place, and which are now taking place. .
. . . Their writings are still
extant.”[v] The effect upon the inquirer was immediate and powerful. "Straightway," he records, "a flame was kindled in my soul; and a love of the
prophets, and of those men who are friends of Christ, possessed me; and. . . . I found this philosophy alone to
be safe and profitable. Thus, and for this reason, I am a
philosopher."[vi]
This conversion, whether the exact
circumstances narrated are historic or are the product of Justin's literary skill, took place, we may
conjecture, before A.D. 135, and therefore before he had reached middle life.[vii] Its fundamental experience was in entire harmony with
Justin's previous philosophic training. Its central feature was
not, as with Paul, a profound sense of sin, and of new life through union with Christ, but rather a
conviction that God had spoken through the prophets and revealed truth in Christ, and in this message alone
was to be found the true philosophy of conduct and life and the real explanation of the world here and
hereafter. To him the Old Testament was always the Book of
books; but primarily because it foretold the Christ that was to come. For these truths he was willing to suffer; and to teach them became
henceforth his employment. Just where he lived and labored it
is, in general, impossible to say; but he was in Rome soon after the year 150, and it was there that he was
later to meet his death.
It was at Rome, not improbably in 152 or
153, and certainly within the four or five years immediately subsequent to 150, that Justin wrote his noteworthy
defense of Christianity against its heathen opponents which placed him first among Christian
"apologists.” This earnest appeal for justice—the Apology[viii]—is addressed to the emperor, Antoninus Pius (138-161), and his adopted sons,
Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. In direct and manly fashion he
calls upon these rulers to ascertain whether Christians are really guilty of the charges popularly laid against
them and not to condemn them on the mere name. The Christians are
accused of atheism, but they disown only the old gods, whose existence Justin does not deny, but whom he regards
as wicked demons.
We confess that we are atheists, so far as
gods of this sort are concerned, but not with respect to the most true God, the Father of righteousness and
temperance and the other virtues, who is free from all impurity.[ix]
They are charged with disloyalty to the
Roman state; but that is due to a misunderstanding of the nature of the kingdom that Christians
seek.
When you hear that we look for a kingdom
you suppose, without making any inquiry, that we speak of a human kingdom; whereas we speak of that which is
with God.[x]
Christians are not
disloyal. On the contrary their principles make them the best of
citizens.
More than all other men we are your
helpers and allies in promoting peace, seeing that we hold this view, that it is alike impossible for the
wicked, the covetous, the conspirator, and for the virtuous, to escape the notice of God, and that each man goes
to everlasting punishment or salvation according to the value of his actions.[xi]
Christians worship God, Justin declares,
rationally; not by destroying the good things he has given by useless sacrifices, but offering thanks by
invocations and hymns for our creation, and for all the means of health, and for the various qualities of the
different kinds of things, and for the changes of the seasons; and to present before Him petitions for our
existing again in incorruption through faith in Him. Our teacher
of these things is Jesus Christ, who also was born for this purpose, and was crucified under Pontius Pilate,
procurator of Judea, in the times of Tiberius Caesar; and that we reasonably worship Him, having learned that He
is the son of the true God Himself, and holding Him in the second place, and the prophetic Spirit in the third,
we will prove.[xii]
The last quotation shows that Justin's
view of Christ had not developed the form which we are accustomed to connect with the doctrine of the Trinity,
judged by the standards of the fourth and fifth centuries. He has a
doctrine of the Trinity, but it is relatively unthought-out. Yet
his view of Christ is lofty indeed. It sees in him the divine
activity always manifest in the world, the constant outflowing of the wisdom of God, or we might say, the
intelligence of God in action. Taking up the "Logos" doctrine of
the Stoic philosophers, so akin in many respects to that of the Fourth Gospel, and so easily combined with the
conception of the divine "Wisdom," set forth, for example in Proverbs,[xiii]Justin
taught that the divine intelligence had been always at work, not merely in creation and in the revelation of God
to an Abraham or a Moses, but illuminating a Socrates or a Heraclitus, and the source of all good
everywhere. In Jesus, this divine Wisdom was fully
revealed. It, or to reflect Justin's view we should say He, "took
shape, and became man, and was called Jesus Christ."
In speaking of Justin's conversion,
mention was made of the importance which he attached to the prophets and to the fulfillment of their
utterances. They were men “through whom the prophetic Spirit
published beforehand things that were to come to pass.” It was
therefore natural that a large part of his Apology and of his
Dialogue with Trypho was devoted to an exposition of such of their
utterances as he believed bore on the life and significance of Christ; but he went much farther. Like Jewish writers before him, he looked upon the philosophers of Greece,
especially his honored Plato, as having borrowed much from Moses.
In Christianity was that true philosophy which all the philosophers, in so far as they have seen truth at all,
have dimly perceived. The Jews, in his opinion, had special
ordinances, such as the Sabbath, circumcision, and abstinence from unclean meats, given them on account of the
peculiar "hardness of their hearts;" but Christ has now established "another covenant and another
law.” He has revealed God and God's will to men; has overcome the
demons who deceived men and delighted in their sins, whom Justin identifies with the old gods; and has
appointed baptism as the rite effecting the remission of offenses.
Christ's work is, in Justin's estimation, essentially that of a Revealer and Lawgiver, though he is not without
some appreciation of the saving significance of his life and death and declares that "we trust in the blood of
salvation.” This redeeming aspect of Christ's work remains,
however, relatively undeveloped.
Thus Justin defended Christianity against
its heathen and its Jewish critics. He also replied to its foes of
its own household, but his writings against Marcion are lost. His
attitude may, however, be surmised from his declaration that "the devils put forward Marcion of
Pontus.” The contest with Gnosticism was, indeed, strenuous; but
charity toward those deemed "heretics" was never one of the virtues of the early
church.
A most interesting glimpse is afforded in
Justin's Apology of the yet simple worship of the Roman church in the
middle of the second century. Admission to its membership was by
faith, repentance, an upright life, and baptism, though in Justin's view faith is primarily an acceptance of
Christ's teachings rather than as with Paul a new personal relationship.
As many as are persuaded and believe that
what we teach and say is true, and undertake to be able to live accordingly, are instructed to pray and to
entreat God with fasting, for the remission of their sins that are past, we praying and fasting with
them. Then they are brought by us where there is water, and are
regenerated in the same manner in which we were ourselves regenerated.[xiv]
He who was baptized was counted fully of
the church and shared in its worship. On Sunday the congregations
gathered in city or country; the "memoirs of the apostles," i.e., the gospels, or "the writings of the prophets
”were read. Then the "president," for Justin avoids technical terms
for church officers, "verbally instructed," that is, preached a sermon. Next, all rose and prayed standing, the “president" doubtless leading, and the
people responding "Amen.” Prayer ended, they "saluted one another
with a kiss.” Bread and wine mingled. with water were next brought to the "president," probably by the deacons; and
after "prayers and thanksgivings" offered by him, the Lord's Supper was administered to those present, and the
consecrated elements were taken by the deacons to the absent. The
service closed with a collection, from which the necessities of widows, orphans, the ill, prisoners, and
strangers were relieved; for “the wealthy among us help the needy, and we always keep together.” A pleasing picture, surely, of the simple worship and mutual helpfulness of
what it must be remembered were still close-knit little congregations, regarding themselves as separate from the
world, and all too unjustly looked upon by it as misanthropic, unpatriotic, atheistical, and guilty of secret
crimes.
Justin himself was to receive the crown of
martyrdom. After the composition of his Apology he left Rome, but of his
journeys we know nothing, and he was back in the city where he was to die during the governorship of its
"prefect," Junius Rusticus, that is between 163 and 167", in the early part of the reign of Marcus
Aurelius. The account of his trial gives an interesting picture of
the examination of a company of Christians at the bar of Roman justice.[xv]In form, as in
all ancient procedure, it was much like an examination in a modern police court, the judge questioning and
sentencing the prisoners. Justin was brought before Rusticus, with
six other Christians, one a woman, whom the judge evidently regarded as his disciples.
Rusticus the prefect said to Justin, "Obey
the gods at once, and submit to the Kings.” Justin said, "To obey
the commandments of our Saviour, Jesus Christ, is worthy neither of blame nor of condemnation.” Rusticus the prefect said, "What kind of doctrines do you
profess?" Justin said, "I have endeavored to learn all
doctrines; but I have acquiesced at last in the true doctrines, namely of the Christians, even though they do
not please those who hold false opinions.” Rusticus the prefect
said, "Are those the doctrines that please you, you utterly wretched man?" Justin said, "Yes, since I adhere to them with
orthodoxy.”[xvi]
Justin then tried to explain Christianity;
but the judge soon cut him short.
Rusticus the prefect said, "Tell me where
you assemble, or into what place do you collect your followers?"
Justin said, "I live above one Martinus, at the Timiotinian Bath; and during the whole time (and I am now living
in Rome for the second time) I am unaware of any other meeting than his."[xvii]
Whether this was literally so may be
doubted, but Justin was not unnaturally anxious to prevent persecution extending to his
fellow-Christians.[xviii]
Rusticus said, "Are you not then a
Christian?" Justin said, "Yes, I am a
Christian."[xix]
Thus satisfied of the guilt of the
prisoner, the judge turned to his six fellow-accused, and tried to make several of them acknowledge themselves,
Justin's disciples. They all promptly owned themselves Christians,
but gave evasive answers as to Justin's share in their conversion, doubtless wishing to shield
him. But the judge was disposed to overlook the past provided
the prisoners would now yield full obedience. Here came, as in
most early Christian trials, the real test of steadfastness; and a terrible test it was. A pinch of incense cast on the fire burning on the altar before the bench
would have freed them; but it would, in the opinion of the time, have been a denial of
Christ.
The prefect says to Justin, "Hearken, you
who are called learned, and think that you know true doctrines; if you are scourged and beheaded, do you believe
you will ascend into heaven?" Justin said, "I hope that, if I
endure these things, I shall have His gifts. For I know that, to
all who have thus lived, there abides the divine favor until the completion of the whole world.” Rusticus the prefect said, "Do you suppose, then, that you will ascend into
heaven to receive some recompense?" Justin said, "I do not suppose
it, but I know and am fully persuaded of it.” Rusticus the prefect
said, "Let us, then, now come to the matter in hand, and which presses. Having come together, offer sacrifice with one accord to the
gods.” Justin said, "No right-thinking person falls away from
piety to impiety.” Rusticus the prefect said, "Unless ye obey,
ye shall be mercilessly punished.” Justin said, "Through prayer
we can be saved on account of our Lord Jesus Christ, even when we have been punished, because this shall
become to us salvation and confidence at the more fearful and universal judgment-seat of our Lord and
Saviour.” Thus also said the other martyrs: "Do what you will,
for we are Christians, and do not sacrifice to idols.” Rusticus
the prefect pronounced sentence, saying, "Let those who have refused to sacrifice to the gods and to yield to
the command of the emperor be scourged, and led away to suffer the punishment of decapitation, according to
the laws."[xx]
So died, a martyr for his faith, one of
the most deserving of the Christian leaders of the second century.
For a biography of Justin Martyr by Robert
King, click here.
[ii] The Sermon
erroneously called II Clement, chap. 16.
[iii] E.g., I
Tim. 1:4; 6:20; II Tim. 3:6-8; I John 4:2, 3.
[vii] In his
Dialogue he pictures his conversion as having occurred,
possibly some considerable time, before his meeting with the Jew, Trypho, who is represented as
“having escaped from the war lately carried on” in Judea, i.e., Bar Cochba’s rebellion, 132-35.
[viii] The so-called
First and Second Apologies are really one. They may be found, in English translation in, The Ante-Nicene Fathers, I, 163-93.
[ix] First Apology, chap. 6.
[xiv] First Apology,
chap. 61.
[xv] Its genuineness,
formerly doubted, is now generally admitted. See Harnack,
Geschichte der altchrist. Litteratur, Chronologie, I,
282.
[xvi] The Ante-Nicene
Fathers, I, 305-06. Martyrdom of Justin, Chariton, and
other Roman Martyrs, chap. 1.
[xviii] Possibly Justin
meant that his was the only “school” where Christianity was taught in Rome. See Harnack, Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums,
p. 260.
[xix] Martyrdom of
Justin, Chariton, and other Roman Martyrs, chap. 2.

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